Arthur R. Butz archive

Notes

[1]	Robert Faurisson, Extensive Research on the Gas Chambers at Auschwitz, audio tape, 90 min., Newport Beach, CA: Institute for Historical Review; printed version: Faurisson (1980a).
[2]	The figure is for deaths of people who had been registered as camp inmates, in written records of which enough have survived to permit the estimate. The legend asserts that the exterminated millions were not entered in such records. See the report, The Number of Victims of the National Socialist Persecution, available from the International Tracing Service, D-3548 Arolsen, Germany. The remark should not be misinterpreted as a claim that the number of Jews who perished was some minority of 350,000. Many more died outside of the concentration camps, from diseases in ghettos, in occasional pogroms, and in other commonplace and uncommonplace ways. The number is not known.
[3]	Jewish Chronicle (London), February 27, 1976, 3; Patterns of Prejudice (London), January-February 1977, 12.
[4]	Nation Europa (Coburg), August 1975, 39.
[5]	Die Zeit, May 25, 1979, 5.
[6]	Voice of German Americans (New York), March 1978.
[7]	Patterns of Prejudice, September-October 1977, 19.
[8]	New York Times, January 28, 1977, A10.
[9]	Süddeutsche Zeitung, September 2, 1977, 13; September 3–4, 1977, 13f.
[10]	Bible Researcher, Marknadvsvagen 289, 2 tr, S-183 Taby, Sweden.
[11]	Le Monde, March 19–20, 1978, 24; March 23, 1978, 7.
[12]	Spotlight (Washington), May 8, 1978.
[13]	Rassinier (1978).
[14]	Rassinier (1979).
[15]	Der Spiegel, December 4, 1978, 14f.
[16]	Der Spiegel, April 9, 1979, 232ff.; National Zeitung (Munich), February 16, 1979, 6.
[17]	Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, June 16, 1979, 23; New York Times, May 22, 1979, A13.
[18]	Le Monde, November 22, 1978, 42; December 16, 1978, 12; December 29, 1978, 8; January 10, 1979, 11; January 16, 1979, 13; February 3, 1979, 10; February 21, 1979, 23; March 8, 1979, 31.
[19]	English translation published as Faurisson (1981b).
[20]	National Times, February 10; February 24; The Age, February 15; February 16; March 3; March 15; March 17; March 22; March 23; March 24; March 28; April 6; April 14; May 8; Nation Review, May 24; May 31; June 28; Weekend Australian, May 26–27. All 1979.
[21]	Washington Post, February 23, 1979, A1; New York Times, February 24, 1979, 2; March 6, 1979, A16.
[22]	Brugioni & Poirier.
[23]	New York Times, February 4, 1977, A22.
[24]	Daily Northwestern, March 30, 1977, 5.
[25]	Chicago Daily News, November 12–13, 1977; Los Angeles Times, May 6, 1979, part 9, 4; Los Angeles Times Calendar, May 13, 1979, 2; New York Times, May 28, 1979, D7.
[26]	Conway (1979), 264. Paper presented by Prof. Dr. Arthur R. Butz during the International Revisionist Conference in 1982, published: Butz (1982).
[27]	Page 28 in the present book.
[28]	Butz (1980). The Dr. before my signature was added by the editor. I never sign that way.
[29]	Los Angeles Herald Examiner, September 2, 1979, E2.
[30]	Cf. Coleman (1914, 1922).
[31]	E.g. The Spotlight, July 26, 1982, 10ff.
[32]	Le Nouvel Observateur, July 3–9, 1982, 70+.
[33]	Chicago Tribune, August 5, 1982, section 1, 5.
[34]	See here pp. 107–121 and 198–200.
[35]	M. Gilbert, 340.
[36]	Laqueur, 22–25.
[37]	See Chapter 3, 124–125 and 131–133.
[38]	Bauer, 21f.
[39]	Bauer, Chapter 8.
[40]	Bauer, Chapter 9, 246, 264, 272, 274, 333, 366f., 371f..
[41]	Laqueur, 4, 170f., 188.
[42]	M. Gilbert, 31, 39f., 44, 170.
[43]	M. Gilbert, 93ff.; Laqueur, 231.
[44]	Laqueur, Appendix 5.
[45]	Washington Post, October 28, 1981, A1; Los Angeles Times, October 29, 1981, pt. I, 20.
[46]	See e.g. his contribution in Wiesel et al. (1977). This is the published version of a lecture Wiesel gave at Northwestern in the spring of 1977. An alternative is his article in the London Jewish Chronicle, November 4, 1977.
[47]	See Bauer, 264, 271, 274, 371; M. Gilbert, 121; see also this book, 383.
[48]	See here p. 153; see also Bauer, 56, 58.
[49]	M. Gilbert, 204f.
[50]	Bauer, 325ff.; M. Gilbert, 121.
[51]	Dawidowicz (1975), xvii; (1981), 125.
[52]	M. Gilbert, 143.
[53]	Bauer, 329–334.
[54]	M. Gilbert, 181.
[55]	Laqueur, 183–186; Bauer, 188–193, 403.
[56]	See here p. 110 and pp. 263–264; see also Laqueur, 68–72.
[57]	Laqueur, 121.
[58]	M. Gilbert, 325.
[59]	See here p. 127.
[60]	M. Gilbert, 337f.
[61]	Ibid., 267–273, 290, 299–311, 341.
[62]	Feingold, 9, 170; Laqueur, 94.
[63]	Laqueur, 3.
[64]	See here p. 98; see also DuBois, 184, 188.
[65]	M. Gilbert, 68, 95f, 99.
[66]	Laqueur, 162ff.
[67]	Bauer, 229.
[68]	Laqueur, 83, 86; M. Gilbert, 150.
[69]	Beaty, 134f.
[70]	See here p. 201; M. Gilbert, 231f.
[71]	Brugioni & Poirier.
[72]	Laqueur, 55–58.
[73]	See here p. 423 (Appendix E); see also M. Gilbert, 104f.
[74]	See here p. 108 and pp. 181–197.
[75]	M. Gilbert, 129.
[76]	Bauer, 430f.
[77]	Laqueur, 152.
[78]	E.g. see Chapter 7, 269–280.
[79]	Editor’s note: on the absurdities involved with Diesel gas chambers claims see Berg.
[80]	See the statement of Rudolf Höss, Chapter 4, 142–152.
[81]	For Berger, see here p. 256; for Himmler’s remark, see here p. 307; see also Laqueur, 18.
[82]	Laqueur, Appendix 1. The cases of the politician-journalist Lemmer and the economist Sommer, who are said to have passed information about exterminations to Swiss contacts, are of dubious import. Lemmer was not associated with the Abwehr and, as Laqueur notes, there is nothing is his autobiography about passing on information about extermination. Sommer was an army liaison officer between the General Staff and the Abwehr, and also travelled to Switzerland in connection with trade relations. One can infer from M. Gilbert, 56ff, that Sommer’s association with a summer 1942 report that camps are being prepared where all the Jews of Europe and a great part of the Russian prisoners-of-war will be exterminated by gas has been claimed not by Sommer, who died in 1965, but by two Jewish intermediaries. It is also worth noting that neither Lemmer nor Sommer appear to have been seriously involved with the anti-Hitler opposition; both survived the war.
[83]	Rothfels (1962), 125–151.
[84]	Editor’s note: For aerial photographs of Belzec, Lublin-Majdanek, Sobibor and Treblinka, see Ball (1992/2015); also Mattogno & Graf (2010).
[85]	Under German law the records of a trial are not open to the public. Exceptions are granted to those who are somehow involved personally in the case or to those considered to have a scholarly interest in aspects of the trial. Dr. Wilhelm Stäglich, retired German judge and author of Auschwitz: A Judge Looks at the Evidence, was denied permission to consult trials testimonies. See his pp. 371ff. Dr. Robert Faurisson interprets remarks, made in a letter by Justice Ministry official Dr. Hans de With to Die Realschule (October 1981), as suggesting that if Faurisson sets foot in Germany he will be arrested and sent back to France.
[86]	See Chapter 4. For the final solution of the Höss confession question, see Faurisson’s discussions in Faurisson (1980b, 1981a & b, 1986b).
[87]	Donat.
[88]	See Chapter 7.
[89]	See Chapter 1, 52–55.
[90]	See Chapter 7, 285–287.
[91]	See Chapters 1 and 7.
[92]	For reviews and analysis of Pressac’s 1989 book see Weber (1990); Mattogno (1990, 2010); Faurisson (1991a & b).
[93]	Rudolf (2011). This report also discusses various other contributions in this matter, e.g. by the Cracow Institute for Forensic Research. Editor’s note.
[94]	Pressac (1989), 133.
[95]	Ibid., 16, 53.
[96]	See Supplement 2 here.
[97]	Pressac (1989), 132.
[98]	Ibid., 200, 206.
[99]	Czech (1960), 68–76. Also Czech (1975), 27ff.
[100]	Czech (1960), S. 73.
[101]	Pressac (1989), 217–218, repeats this amazing evasion. On p. 384 he hurriedly suggests a very weak relation between crematory construction activity and the epidemics.
[102]	Ibid., 188, 202.
[103]	Nobody believes Oswald Pohl was equal in influence to Reinhardt Heydrich while the latter was alive. It was RSHA head Ernst Kaltenbrunner who, toward the end of the war, issued the order opening the camps to the International Red Cross. See here p. 69.
[104]	Pressac (1989), 108, cites a letter from Topf (reproduced in Schnabel, 346). This letter asserts that one of the firm’s double muffle ovens can reduce in about 10 hours 10–35 corpses (that is, the average time claimed to reduce one corpse in a muffle ranged from 34 minutes to two hours), and can be operated day and night, an assertion not borne out by later experience at Auschwitz, as Pressac notes (227–247, esp. 244). I believe this document is authentic, and the exaggerations are the usual ones of people trying to sell something. I note that it clearly specifies that corpses are supplied to the oven serially (hintereinander), in contradiction to the usual witness who claims that three or even more were fed into a muffle together. Witnesses also assert that the crematories belched flames from the chimneys, certainly not the operational mode of modern crematories. Pressac accepts such tall tales without protest (251, 253). I have far more trouble with the document reproduced by Pressac on p. 247, ostensibly a letter of June 28, 1943, from the Auschwitz construction department claiming that the 52 muffles at Auschwitz could reduce 4,756 corpses in 24 hours of operation. That works out to an average of 16 minutes per corpse. The date of the document was when the breakdowns of the crematories and consequent attempts at emergency repairs gave the SS no reason to exaggerate the efficacy of Topf’s products (for example, Pressac (1989), 100, 227, 236). Moreover according to another document reproduced by Pressac (224), the crematories operated only 12 hours per day. On p. 91, Pressac gives the provenance of the June 28, 1943, document as the Committee of Anti-Fascist Resistants of the German Democratic Republic. I am in the position of a man staring at an authentic-looking German document that states that a Volkswagen broke the sound barrier. If it is not a forgery, then it must have been some sort of joke. In one of his neo-Pythagorean exegeses that Faurisson has noted (1991b, 145–149), Pressac says (110, 244) that such figures should be divided by a factor of 2 to 5.
[105]	Editor’s note: 46 volumes of the Auschwitz death registers were found so far with a total of 67,283 deaths (2,988 in 1941; 36,796 in 1942; 27,499 in 1943); Archiwum Państwowego Muzeum w Oświęcimiu, j 502–4; Staatliches Museum Auschwitz… (1995).
[106]	Butz (1989), 369f. (My review of Arno Mayer’s book, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken?)
[107]	A. de Cocatrix, The number of victims of the National Socialist persecution, Arolsen: International Tracing Service, April 1977.
[108]	See here p. 177; see also Pressac (1989), 94f, 106.
[109]	Nuremberg document 2171-PS, published in Office of the United States Chief of Counsel…, vol. 4, 800–835; Berben, 281. I have not used Mauthausen in this comparison because, although the recorded deaths are fairly well known (see, for example, Marsálek), the extent of cremation means is uncertain. Mauthausen was more decentralized than the other camps; for example, the satellite camp Gusen experienced about as many deaths as the main camp, and it and other satellite camps had their own crematoria of uncertain extent (see Pressac (1989), 108–114, and, Marsálek, 157). In addition, Mauthausen on occasion used ordinary municipal crematoria, such as the one in Steyr.
[110]	See here p. 307; see also Moment (Jewish monthly published in Boston), vol. 11, no. 1, (Dec. 1985), 51.
[111]	Pressac (1989), 216.
[112]	See here p. 162; see also Pressac (1989), 211. This 1943 communication is Nuremberg document NO-4473. Original German-language text is given in: Kogon, et al. (1986), 220.
[113]	Pressac (1989), 548.
[114]	Ibid., 432.
[115]	Compare with Faurisson’s discussion of this point: (1991a), 55ff.
[116]	The German prefix ver— indicates a strong, at times permanent — and often negative — change of condition or location, which is difficult or even impossible to revert, whereas the prefix be- indicates a neutral treatment or change of condition, a contact or occupation with something. Begasung thus refers to the treated object touched by gas (building, room, clothes etc.), whereas Vergasung indicates a drastic (negative) change of condition (liquid to gaseous or impairment/killing of organisms). Cf. http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/ver-; http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/be-; editor’s note.
[117]	Pressac (1989), 27f, 31. Puntigam et al. normally uses Gaskammer but Begasungskammer is also used.
[118]	Pressac (1989), 106–113, 222–225. Early in 1989, Faurisson also told me that my interpretation of the Vergasungskeller was not correct, but as far as I can recollect he did not raise the matter of the design of the ovens. Thus, I was not convinced at that time.
[119]	Pressac (1989), 217.
[120]	Hilberg (1985), 885, n. 67. (1961: 566, n. 52.)
[121]	Pressac (1989), 429.
[122]	Foster & Lund, 68–97.
[123]	The remark on the method of generation of coke oven gas can be improved. See: Foster & Lund, 41. In any case, the German processes were sufficiently advanced that they did not necessarily fall into classic categories. See: Foster & Lund, 68f.
[124]	A summary of various gas generation processes is given in Franke, Vol. 7 (1965), 484+. Gasification of oil, or Ölvergasung), as contrasted to gasification of solid fuels, or Vergasung fester Brennstoffe, had also been practiced in Germany since the late nineteenth century. See: Franke, vol. 4, 390.
[125]	Ibid., vol. 16, 337.
[126]	Ibid., vol. 7, 89.
[127]	Pressac (1989), 277, 281ff, 287, 306.
[128]	Such objections also apply against the hypothesis that one room of the small Leichenkeller 3 (Pressac (1989), 285, 295) was the Vergasungskeller. See Faurisson (1991a), 55ff.
[129]	See Pressac (1989), 51, 165–170, 420f., 542f., for limited data.
[130]	Metcalf & Eddy, 276.
[131]	Kretzschmar, 217.
[132]	Brix et al., 323, 329.
[133]	Kittner et al., 424.
[134]	Imhoff (1943), 207.
[135]	Dau.
[136]	Franke, vol. 10, 693.; Gerlach; Dau, 61.
[137]	Imhoff (1936).
[138]	Imhoff (1943), 218f.
[139]	Wulf; Pallasch & Triebel, 193.
[140]	Pressac (1989), 331; Faurisson (1991b), 156.
[141]	In his Introduction to the new American edition of Hitler’s War, David Irving says that the diaries of Himmler have vanished — partly said to be in Moscow and partly known to be in Tel Aviv, Israel; Chaim Rosenthal, a former attaché of the Israeli Consulate in New York, obtained the Himmler diaries by the most questionable means. See Irving, 402. See also the IHR Newsletter, No. 83, November 1991, 2–3.
[142]	Iwaszko, 67; Kulka (1975), 205.
[143]	Polish Labor Group, esp. 45f.
[144]	Kulka (1975).
[145]	Iwaszko, 7f, 38.
[146]	Conway (1979), 269.
[147]	M. Gilbert, 234.
[148]	Kulka (1985), 296.
[149]	Kulka (1986), 381–396 (note 53).
[150]	US-WRB, esp. 8ff., 12, 14, 29–32, 40, and 11ff., 17ff. from the story of the Polish major, who does speak of mass executions at the Stammlager, but only by shooting. He also states explicitly that Crematory I was not employed to dispose of the bodies of gassed Jews.
[151]	US-WRB report, 1, 6.
[152]	US-WRB report, 29, 32; Vrba & Bestic (1964), 77, 106ff., 113, 167ff.
[153]	Vrba & A. Bestic (1964), 218.
[154]	US-WRB report, 30.
[155]	Compare with Czech (1960, 1961, 1964).
[156]	Pressac (1989), 123. Pressac writes on p. 132 that the Stammlager gas chamber was used sporadically from the end of 1941 to 1942. In view of the testimonies he cites, he should say rather from the end of 1941 to at least through 1942. For example, the Fajnzylberg testimony cited by Pressac on p. 124 speaks of a gassing of 400 Jews brought from Birkenau on a date not earlier than November 1942, when he was assigned to the Sonderkommando of Crematorium I. The other testimonies — in Bezwinska & Czech, 114ff., 174ff., and in Müller, 31–49 — also claim not merely gassings, but mass gassings of Jews in the mortuary of Crematorium I during much of 1942. One of the many contradictions in Pressac’s work is that on p. 133 he also asserts, on the basis of logic that I can’t see at all, that from the data given in the Leuchter report we can infer use as a homicidal gas chamber for Crematorium I. Another contradiction I noticed is that on p. 106 he contrasts the oil-fired ovens of Buchenwald with the coke-fired ovens of Auschwitz, but on p. 259 he says they were identical. Faurisson reviews additional contradictions (1991a & b).
[157]	In the documentary based on M. Gilbert’s book, Vrba says that in May-June 1944 Hungarian Jewesses were arriving at Auschwitz in mink coats. At that time, he is supposed to have been hiding in Slovakia.
[158]	Toronto Sun, Jan. 24, 1985, 52.
[159]	See Chapter 3, 135–139.
[160]	Vrba & Bestic (1964), 217, 220.; Kulka (1985), 295, specifies 55 successful escapes until the end of 1942, 154 in 1943, and 167 in 1944. Kulka (1975), 201, gave lower figures, but the 1985 paper used the figures given by the Auschwitz State Museum (PMO) in 1964 (Iwaszko, 49).
[161]	See here p. 205; see also Vrba & Bestic (1964), 233.
[162]	Vrba & Bestic (1964), 35, 209.
[163]	To learn what the Talmud says happened to Jesus, read Gittin 57a in Epstein (1936), 261 (with note referring to the Munich codex) or the edition by Goldschmid (1932), 368.
[164]	Vrba & Bestic (1964), 127.
[165]	Lánik.
[166]	Conway (1979).
[167]	Conway (1981, 1984).
[168]	Kulka (1985), 304, 306 (note 45).
[169]	Vrba & Bestic (1989).
[170]	IHR Newsletter, No. 74, July-August 1990, 3. Source cited: JTA dispatch in Jewish World (Broward, Florida), March 9–16.
[171]	Chapter 4, 177, citing the Encyclopedia Britannica, 12 ed., vol. 32, (1922 — third volume supplementing the 11th edition), 157.
[172]	Dwork & van Pelt, 219.
[173]	Booklet Zyklon for Pest Control, published by DEGESCH, apparently during the 70s. Similar information is also given in a German document that appeared at the Nuremberg trials as document NI-9912 and is presented in English translation by Pressac (1989), 18–20.
[174]	Puntigam, 21. DEGESCH booklet (op. cit., 7, 24).
[175]	Tew, 57, 96.
[176]	On these gas chambers, see mainly the book by Puntigam et al., 9–68. There is also information in the aforementioned DEGESCH booklet.
[177]	Puntigam et al., 33.
[178]	Ibid., 31f, 60f.
[179]	DEGESCH booklet, op. cit., 25.
[180]	Pressac (1989), 371, 432f.
[181]	Faurisson (1991a), 59.
[182]	Pressac (1993). The document is reproduced, together with an English translation, in Pressac & van Pelt, 230f.
[183]	Faurisson (1994), 23.
[184]	Hilberg (1961), 571; (1985), vol. 3, 892. Hilberg cites a letter from the Referat to DEGESCH.
[185]	Forges, 28.
[186]	Pressac (1989), 284–287 (drawings of 23 Jan. 1942, on which my Fig. 34 is based); 306–312 (drawings of 19 March 1943, showing the same duct arrangement as in earlier drawings). Pressac (1989), 288 also reproduces a profile drawing for this arrangement; this profile drawing is also reproduced by Czech (1990), 193. The Ofen is a cremation oven; if the reader uses a magnifying glass and squints hard, the badly lettered word Müllverbrennungsofen (waste incinerator) can be seen.
[187]	Pressac (1989), 217.
[188]	Ballantyne; Tsuchiya.
[189]	Pressac (1989), 214, 230, 306–310, 488. Pressac & van Pelt, 232f.
[190]	Urquhart, 13–16, 275.
[191]	Morikawa.
[192]	Urquhart, 272.
[193]	Little, 167–170.
[194]	Urquhart, 272.
[195]	Ibid., 15ff., 28, 150–159, 273ff.
[196]	McGraw-Hill Encyclopedia…, vol. 7, 139f. (article on Flameproofing).
[197]	Butz (1993), 23–37. Supplement 3 here.
[198]	Butz (1982), 371–405. Supplement 2 here.
[199]	Faurisson (1997).
[200]	Pressac (1989), 432–457.
[201]	On Pressac’s 1989 book see e.g. the NY Times, 18 Dec. 1989. On his 1993 book, which reproduced the Topf letter in question here, see (all 1993) l’Express, 23 Sept., 76–87; Libération, 24 Sept., 28f; Le Monde, 26–27 Sept., 7; Die Welt, 27 Sept., 1; AP report in the Denver Post, 2 Oct., 6A; Die Woche, 7 Oct., 8; NY Times, 28 Oct., A3 and 31 Oct. sec. 4, 2 and 8 Nov., A14; Chicago Tribune, 28 Nov. sec. 1, 25 and 13 Dec. sec. 5, 1.
[202]	For some Jewish demography see Chapters 1 and 7 herein. Much more is to be found in Sanning; Rudolf (2003b).
[203]	Butz (1982). Supplement 2 here.
[204]	First published in The Revisionist, vol. 2, no. 4 (2004), 467f.
[205]	Mattogno (2004b).
[206]	Here the above Supplement 4.
[207]	Mattogno (1998).
[208]	Pressac (1993). The document is reproduced, together with an English translation, in Pressac & van Pelt, 230f.
[209]	Mattogno (2004), 148.
[210]	Ibid., 148f. Mattogno’s term was translated as smoke gas but the combustion product he is talking about is called flue gas in English.
[211]	Tsuchiya.
[212]	J.-C. Pressac (1989), 548.
[213]	Pressac (1989), 211, 217, 432, 548.
[214]	Chapter 4 herein.
[215]	An example of the two usages is in one paragraph in Rückerl, 12, where we are told that Judenvergasung (Jew gassing) took place in Gaskammern. About the same distinction in usage held in the fumigation field, as can be inferred from Puntigam et al.
[216]	Pressac (1989), 106–113, 222–225, 548.
[217]	Faurisson (1991a), 55ff.
[218]	Butz (1993), 27–31.
[219]	Faurisson (1991a), 52f.
[220]	Prentiss; Woker.
[221]	Watt, 252; O’Brien, 102ff, 329; Ambrose, 518. The last is a reproduction of a book issued in March 1945 by the U.S. Army.
[222]	Chicago Tribune, 7 Sept. 1996, sec. 1, 2.
[223]	Pressac (1989), 132f, 144, 156f. The engineering drawings Pressac reproduces are dated 21 & 24 September 1944, but I do not know the actual date of the conversion. Pressac erroneously places the first Allied air raid on 13 September 1944; it was on 20 August 1944.
[224]	Dictionaries are somewhat politicized, so do not assume that Vergasungskeller will never appear in one that defines it as equivalent to Gaskammer. For example my Wahrig (1973) defines Gaskammer only as something for killing people in concentration camps with poison gas, although the word was used in the fumigation field long before World War II. The justification that would be claimed for defining Vergasungskeller thus is that it was used that way in NO-4473! Orwell, anyone?
[225]	Parparov; Lepinga & Strakhovoi.
[226]	Pressac (1989), 223, 231.
[227]	Ibid., 284ff., 290f., 355–374.
[228]	Ibid., 224, 274, 289ff., 322, 338.
[229]	Puntigam et al.
[230]	Pressac (1989), 221, 223, 230, notes that at one point consideration was given to pre-heating LK 1, but the idea was dropped 3 weeks later. LK 1 was not heated. I have an idea on the purpose imagined for the pre-heating, but it would be premature to present it. In any case, heat was not considered vital to the function of LK 1. The notion that a crowd of people in LK 1 would provide the necessary heat for efficient gassing is a fig leaf that doesn’t work, because they would not generate that much heat, and because according to the legend the Zyklon would have been strewn about the floor, thus assuming a temperature close to that of the floor.
[231]	Ibid., 223, 373.
[232]	Ibid., 431–435, 438f.
[233]	Ibid., 284ff. Of course, revisionists hold that they always were ordinary crematoria.
[234]	Faurisson (1991a), 49f., advanced this interpretation but only tentatively, because he had not been able to verify that the word Auskleideraum is used that way in the special terminology of morgues (that seems to be what Faurisson meant). I do not think the question is important, because there is no reason to assume that Jährling (a heating technician employed by the SS) and Messing (a fitter employed by the Topf company that was providing the crematorium ovens) cared very much about the special terminology of morgues. I have spent many years with engineers, and I know they tend to express themselves without great concern for lexical standards, especially outside their own fields. Jährling and Messing could never have suspected that their hasty words would be subject to such contentious scrutiny half a century later!
[235]	Crowell (1997); printed and abridged Crowell (1999).
[236]	Crowell (2011).
[237]	Butz (1993).
[238]	Butz (1997).
[239]	www.codoh.com/library/document/2687/
[240]	Abels.
[241]	Mattogno (1994), 64.
[242]	Butz (2007).
[243]	Stäglich (1979), 79; (2010), 83; (2011), 98; (1986), 53.
[244]	Chicago Tribune, 7 Sept. 1996, sec. 1, 2.
[245]	Ha’aretz, 1 May 2010. www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/idf-to-blanket-israel-with-gas-masks-1.260813
[246]	Israel To Stop Distributing Gas Masks Ending Decades of Safety Policy
[247]	I find it intriguing that Pressac may have delivered his swan song as early as 1995, about a year before his L’Autre Histoire article, in an interview which Valérie Igounet published in her 2000 book Histoire du négationnisme en France (pp. 613–652). Since Pressac was allowed to edit the text before its publication it is not clear when he made or wrote the remarks despairing of the irreparable mess of the historiography on the orthodox side.
[248]	CODOH (2006).
[249]	Samuel Crowell (2011), appendix entitled The Bomb Shelter Thesis Revisited: A Postscript to Bomb Shelters in Birkenau. Crowell also interprets NO-4473 in a way related to the presently offered interpretation.
[250]	www.holocaust-history.org/auschwitz/19430129-vergasungskeller/; cf. www.codoh.com/library/document/911/
[251]	van Pelt (2002), 297. In the trial, David Irving was ambiguous on whether the Vergasungskeller was a delousing facility or a gas shelter (http://cgi.stanford.edu/group/wais/cgi-bin/?p=725). The word Gaskeller does not seem to have come up there.
[252]	Mattogno (2010), 55–70.
[253]	Stäglich (1976), 71; (2010), 72; (2011), 88; (1986), 46f.
[254]	Rademacher (2000), 104f.
[255]	Cf. about this the politicized statements at http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walter_Lüftl; see also Lüftl’s contributions listed at www.codoh.com/library/authors/2041 and www.vho.org/search/d/search.php?LastName=Lüftl&FirstName=Walter
[256]	Gärtner (1997); Lüftl (2004).